Franklin’s “Cemented Tomb”: The Jamme Report of 1928 Revisited (2024)

Polar Rec (Gr Brit). Author manuscript; available in PMC 2024 Jul 29.

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Russell S. Taichman, DMD, DMSc.^1,2

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OUTLINE OF THE HISTORY OF THE FRANKLIN EXPEDITION

The idea of the Franklin Expedition was born of a desire on the part of the people of England to discover the Northwest Passage. The time was about at the close of an era of exploration and discovery, and the taking possession of lands – especially of lands bordering on the Pacific - by a number of the European nations; and England seeing the advisability of a shorter route to her new western-ocean possessions, thought that possibly one might be found through the ice fields of the Arctic. It was a work for the Admiralty, and Franklin was selected to head the expedition, not only on account of his training and wide experience as a sailor and explorer, but also because he was well-fitted temperamentally for the task. He was considered the most capable of the men then available.

Thus it was, that Franklin sailed from England on the 19th of May, 1845, under instructions from the Admiralty to effect the discovery of the Northwest Passage. He had under his command the two ships, Erebus and Terror, which were to be accompanied as far as Baffins Bay, Greenland by the transport Barreto Junior. Both the Erebus and Terrior [sic] had seen service in previous expeditions and were staunch and well-fitted for the work. His personnell [sic] and crews for the two ships consisted of· I37 men; and his outfit, generally, was excellent and sufficient to carry him well over a period of two years - the time it was thought it would take to accomplish the work. His instructions were "to sail westward through Lancaster and Barrow Straits, then to move southwestward for Bering Sea and the Pacific - provided ice conditions permitted”. ****************

It must be remembered that at this time but very little was known of the geography of the Arctic. Lancaster Strait was the "fartherst [sic] north” and the land masses north of it were indefinite and without boundaries; to the south the rim of the continent had been explored and to some extent mapped, but nothing was known of the configuration or extent of the great islands which rose high out of the sea north-of the rim. As a whole, it was still a “terra incognito”. Franklin, himself, had participated in some of the explorations leading up to the knowledge then had - he had been in the Great Slave country and down the Coppermine River to Coronation Gulf, mapping a considerable portion of this latter; later he made the portages from Great Slave Lake to Backs Great Fish) River and down it to where it empties into the waters of the Arctic, in Simpson Bay. Schools of a very large white fish are said to run in Backs River, which fact was well known to Franklin, and his knowledge of it plays an important part in the ultimate end of his great expedition. ***************

Franklin arrived at Disco Island, off the west coast of Greenland, July 4th, shifted his supplies from the transport to the other ships, and sometime about the middle of the month sailed westward on his mission. On the 22nd he was spoken by the whaler, Prince of Wales; since which time, neither he nor any of his men have been seen alive by civilized man.

When the first year passed without word, no very great apprehension was felt, for Franklin's ability and resourcefulness were well known. However, when the summer of 1847 had come and gone, and still no word, a great fear that some catastrophe had overtaken the expedition began to be felt. During the following winter, when there was still no word, this fear became almost a conviction, which latter took form in the Spring in the sending of a ship under Sir James Ross who, during the summer, searched Lancaster Straits and the nearby channels without success; two ships were also sent around the Horn to enter the Arctic from the Pacific side. That same year Sir John Richardson and Dr. John Rae, the latter a physician for the Hudson Bay Co, were dispatched to the mouth of the Mackenzie River to search the shores of the Arctic in that vicinity; these searches were likewise without success. In 1849 no fewer than 13 ships were dispatched by the Admiralty - still without a trace of the expedition. In the following year the United States was drawn into the search and DeHaven, a naval officer heading an expedition financed principally by Henry Grinnell, a New York merchant, discovered three graves on Beechy Island, which lies at the western end of Lancaster Strait. The headstones on these graves disclosed the fact that Franklin had spent the winter of 1845–6 there. Nothing, however, was found to indicate the direction he had taken from this point - there were evidences [sic] of a hasty departure, but nothing to show the direction.

Then for a number of years followed further intense search, both by sea and by land. All told some 35 marine expeditions had been engaged in the effort, each of which, however, was without success in finding further trace. In 1851, Dr. Rae was sent to search the islands lying North of Coronation Gulf, and indeed, while skirting the eastern shore of Victoria Land, he actually was within 50 miles of the point where it was afterwards learned that Franklin’s ships were lost. Late in 1852, it was decided to send Rae to search the region about the mouth of Backs River. In order to get an early start, Rae wintered on the Atlantic side at the head of Repulse Bay, which is an arm of the northern part of Hudson Bay. Early in the spring of I853 he started for Backs River, arriving at its mouth March 17th. Before the day was spent he ran into a native who knew other natives who, a few winters before, had seen a large party of white men. The native took him to the camp of the other natives where Rae was surprised to find articles that could have come only from the ships of Franklin's Expedition - - silver spoons and forks and knives, etc, bearing the engraved initials of the officers; and, more unmistakable than all, a round silver platter engraved "Sir John Franklin, K.C.B." From these natives Rae obtained a story to the effect that four years previous, 1848, in the Spring, while the natives were hunting seal near the north shore of a large island (King William), about 40 men were seen travelling in company over the ice and dragging a boat and sledges with them; that the men could not speak Eskimo, but by signs had made it known that they had come from ships that had been crushed in the ice, and were going to a place where they could get deer to shoot.

The natives described the white men looking thin; and, some time [sic] later, the same natives going southward in the direction taken by the white men found graves, and as they continued further, the dead bodies of white men "laying as they had fallen". Later still, on crossing to the mainland, they had heard shooting, so concluded that some were still alive and on their way to Backs River which would be about a days [sic] Journey beyond. They had, however, heard of no man who had seen the white men since. Rae returned to England bringing with him all the articles he could very well carry, and reported that "in his belief every member of the expedition was dead”.

Rae’s discoveries left no question as to the direction taken by Franklin after leaving his camp on Beechey Island - he had gone southwestward in accordance with his instructions. Therefore, all marine expeditions ceased. Rae's report, however, was attacked. It seemed incredible that men, having gone that far and having arrived at a point where food would be plentiful, could not still be alive; at least, some of them ought to be living. So, early in the spring of 1855, at the request of Queen Victoria, the Hudson Bay Co sent James Anderson then their Chief Factor of the Mackenzie River district, to go to, the region about the mouth of Backs River and Simpson Straits and see what he could find. Anderson was quite successful. Before reaching the mouth of the river he ran into a group of natives who had numerous articles from Franklin's ships - tent fittings, boat gear, small iron and copper boilers, machinists and carpenters [sic] tools, brass piping and fittings, bedding, etc, etc. He continued on to the head of Adelaide Peninsula, and to the small land between there and King William Land, where he encountered more natives who had other such articles. There was no sign to indicate that any of Franklin's men had reached the mainland; so he soon concluded that they had perished, either on King William Island or in the ice floes about it. His report confirmed in great measure all that Dr Rae had said.

Notwithstanding the conclusive proof that catastrophe had overtaken Franklin's Expedition, there still lingered a hope that perhaps he, or at least some of his men, might still be alive. Thus far, the search had been able to account for only about 50 of the original 138 men. So, in 1857, the Lady Franklin Expedition financed in England and the United States as a tribute to the great loyalty of Lady Franklin herself, was organized. Command of this expedition was given to Captain Francis Leopold McClintock who, as a naval officer had been through the entire search campaign - from Ross' expedition in 1849 to the time of Anderson's report, and whose wonderful abilities had brought him to a high place among the officers who had participated in it. McClintock's ship was the converted yacht Fox. By early summer he was again in Lancaster Straits. This time, however, instead of searching along the northern shores as all the prior expeditions had done, he moved southward. His idea was that Franklin had followed the letter of his instructions “to go southward to Bering Sea, if ice conditions permitted”; but just where he turned from the westward to the southward course was the question. McClintock decided to search all the south going passages. Unfortunately, he was nearly caught in the ice where he had to remain a good part of the season before being able to cut his way out. His ship was severely damaged which necessitated a return to Greenland for the winter for refitting. He got an early start the following year, 1858, and succeeded in entering Peel Strait, which is between North Summerset Land and Prince of Wales Land. During the summer he made his way down the strait finally securing good winter quarters in a small harbor near the north end of Boothia Land. McClintock was fairly familiar with the country here, having made a sledge trip along the east shore of the strait while with Ross at the time of the beginning of the search, in 1847. He knew there were native settlements farther south. About the middle of February he made a sorti overland and after few days travel succeeded in locating one. To his surprise he found the natives well provided with articles from Franklin's ships - gear, tools, clothing, silverware, jewelry, etc. From them he got the story of the two ships beset in the ice off the big island to the west; of the destruction of the ships in the autumn; of the white men taking to the boats and going towards the big river; of the graves, and later how the dead bodies of some of these men were found; and how they themselves had even recently visited one of the wrecks - a story- similar in every detail to the ones given to Rae and Anderson by the natives at the mouth of Backs River. Gathering all the information he could as to the island and the position of the ships as they were fast in the ice, he determined to and reach the island and the scene of the wrecks before summer made ice travel difficult. He returned to his ship to prepare for an extended trip. About the end of April, accompanied by Lieutenant Hobson, one of his officers, he revisited the native camp, secured guides, dogs, etc, and set out. A few days travel took him across the ice to the big island, which he now knew to be King William Land discovered by Sir John Ross 30 years before. The party was divided - Hobson going north while McClintock went south. Early in May, while nearing the southeastern end of the island, McClintock came upon the camp of some 40 Eskimos. This group of natives had come from the southern part of Boothia Land and were headed for the north end of the island to hunt seal. They, too, were well provided with articles from Franklin’s ships. From these natives McClintock received much detailed information. Nearly all of them had seen the two ships when they first beset in the ice, and during the two seasons had seen them slowly drift southward; some of them had been out to the ships and had seen and talked with Franklin and his chief, Crozier, Aglooka as the latter was known to them all (they described Franklin as fat and jolly); had seen the white men camped on shore during the first summer - some were sick and some died: had seen the white men on their journey southward after the ships had been abandoned; had seen the graves of the men who had died on the way and been buried; and had seen the dead bodies of others who had fallen and “lay as they fell”. The men seemed to have plenty of food· but were pale and thin. The natives said they had several times visited the ships that had come ashore farther south and had taken things from it. McClintock mentions one woman and two old men as being particularly clear in their stories.

After leaving the Eskimo camp, McClintock continued on down the shoreline of the island and about the middle of May reached the southern end, from where he crossed over to Adelaide Peninsula thus connecting up with Rae's and Anderson's searches. he spent a few days in examining the shores of the peninsula without finding anything, then re-crossed to King William Island and headed northward along the west coast. Soon he began to find signs of the white men - small pieces of tool-marked wood; gear; fragments of tin cans; pieces of tenting and clothing; unopened tins of food; then human skeletons, and graves; finally a boat with two human skeletons in it, also two loaded guns standing upright and quite a number of unopened tins of food. He continued northward and, at a point a little beyond the western extremity of the island, met Hobson who was journeying south. Hobson also had been successful in his mission. He had found a boat with human skeletons in it; a number of skeletons on the uplands, and some graves;" but, chief of all, two cairns in which were found the only direct statements that have ever come from the Franklin Expedition. The statements were in the form of two records, made at different times, but on one piece of paper. They read:

“28th of May, I847.

H.M. Ships Erebus and Terror wintered in the- ice, in latitude70 05 N., longitude 98 23 w. Having wintered in 1846–7 at Beechey Island, in latitude 74 43 28 north, longitude 9I 39 I5, after having ascended Wellington Channel to 77 and returned by the west side of Cornwallis Island.

Sir John Franklin commanding the Expedition.

All well.

Party consisting of two officers and six men left the ships on Monday, 24th May, 1847.

Gr Gore, Lieut.

Chas DeVoeux, Mate."

"April 25th, 1848.

H. M. S. Terror and Erebus were derserted [sic] on the 22nd of April, five leagues N.N.W. of this, having been beset since the 12th of September 1846. The officers and crew consisting of I05 souls, under command of Captain Crozier, landed here in latitude 69 37 42 north, longitude 98 4I west. Sir John Franklin died on the IIth of June, 1847, and the total loss by deaths.in the expedition has been to this date nine officers and fifteen men.

Jas Fitzjames

Capt, Erebus.

F. R. M. Crozier

Capt and Sr Officer.

and start tomorrow, 26th, for Backs Great Fish River."

(Note. A photostat copy of the above paper, which is a printed form in several different languages asking the finder to send it to the Admiralty, London, is given in Traill’s Life of Sir John Franklin, John Murray London.)

From the above records, together with the discovery of the skeletons and graves and relics, etc, etc, and the information given him by the natives, and what already had been learned by others, McClintock was able to construct the probable story of the Expedition, of the heroic efforts of its men, and its final ending – actually Franklin had discovered the Northwest Passage and it had in fact been traversed when McClintock, well on one of his sledge Journeys far to the west of where the search ships were entered, picked up, on Prince Albert Land, for men from one of the Bering Sea Expeditions and return them to England on his own ship. The whole story is replete with acts and deeds of highest order; and, wintered, picked up on Prince Albert Land, four men from one of the Bering Sea expeditions and returned them to England on his own ship. The whole is a story replete with acts and deeds of the highest order; and, when to it be added the generous and daring feats of the searchers, and their great contributions to the geography of the Arctic, we cannot but be grateful for the spirit that is sometimes put in the white man's breast. It was one of those great episodes in human affairs that shows the Anglo-Saxon to be the superior race [See methods note].

On the attached blueprint the writer has given the general geography of the region, showing the course taken by Franklin and the location of the principal points in connection with the story.

When McClintook returned to England and reported what he had found, it naturally aroused a profound feeling of pity everywhere. As the facts of the story became understood, however, it began to be realized that, notwithstanding what was reported as being the probable ending of the expedition, there was still only one-half of its personal accounted for, and it appeared within the realms of possibility that some of the others might yet be alive. The idea was simply a forlorn hope, but out of it grew a series of expeditions by an American, Charles Francis Hall, who, believing that he had been especially ordained to find and bring back what was left of the survivors, spent a good part of the years I86I to 1869 among the natives of the northeastern part of the continent. He made Repulse Bay his base, and, with the assistance of whalers, operated from it. This is the same Charles Frances Hall of the Us Navy’s Polarus [sic] Expedition, and of Captain Tyson's wonderful drift on the ice from far up in Baffins Bay to near the entrance of Hudson Straits.

The writer has given the above brief outline of Franklin's Expedition, with some details at certain points, because it was thought that a perspective of events leading up to Hall’s coming on the scene, would be advisable for a greater understanding of Captain Bayne’s story. For the same reason, it would seem equally advisable, now, to give a brief sketch of Hall's work and findings, and the part he played in it all, as it was during the time Bayne was in Hall's employ that he secured the information regarding Franklin's last resting place - the Cemented Tomb on King William Land.

OUTLINE OF HISTORY OF HALL’S OPERATIONS

As previously stated, Hall spent a good part of eight years roaming around the northeastern rim of the continent, much of the time living with and as a native. He was an engraver by trade and, on occasions, an itinerant preacher; therefore totally unfitted by training and experience for the work he had undertaken. Yet he succeeded, and to have done so, shows that he must have been a man of extraordinary strength and force of character, otherwise he could not even have got started. It appears, it was while a resident of Cincinnati, Ohio, that he first read of Franklin's Expedition and of its disastrous ending; and it was while under the spell of the feelings caused by reading the varying accounts of the disaster, that he felt he had received the special call to undertake the rescue of the remaining survivors. His idea was, that by accustoming himself to the rigors of the climate and the life of the country for a short time, he would be able to scour the regions where the survivors were likely to be found, and thus, single-handedly, effect their rescue. He had practically no means himself, but by dint of lecturing and preaching, on the subject he secured sufficient funds for a small outfit. And the same perseverance that enabled him to raise this stake, also persuaded one of the whaling companies to take him northward in one of their ships. At that time whalers did not operate in the northern part of Hudson Bay and a voyage up there was considered hazardous. Thus it was that late in the summer of I86I he was landed on the beach near the entrance to Wager Inlet, his small boat stove in, his outfit damaged, and himself alone and as unsophisticated a mortal as ever entered the Arctic. However. the spirit that had enabled him to get thus far, carried him on a few miles farther to Repulse Bay, where Rae had previously made his head quarters. There he settled down for the Winter to learn the ways of the North. His note would indicate that he made good progress, not only in the hardening process but also in his studies of navigation and medicine. He took up his residence with the native, eskimos, fished and hunted and ate with them, preached to them, and, when & any fell sick, treated them. It is quite evident he won their respect and confidence, for he soon was directing them in all their affairs. In his mind, Hall planned on going as early as possible to King William Land, and work backwards from there along the line any survivors would be apt to take. However, shortly after his arrival at Repulse Bay, and after he had had a fair taste of the rigors of the Arctic, he began to perceive that his undertaking was a much larger one than he had ever dreamed of; that he not only had nature, in her moods, to contend with, but the primitive, improvident native as well. His early ideas of procedure had to be changed. He discovered that it took much more than a strip of cloth and a few beads to get a native to hitch up a dog team and run him over the country, all found. Instead, he discovered that it not only required quite a little persuasion, but also a complete transportation outfit, including ample grub supplies, before any native could be induced to venture forth.

He began to realize that the principal necessity up there is food and that its getting requires a great deal of skill and courage. He began to realize, too, that the feeling of hostility between neighboring native tribes, or settlements, was an element that had to be considered, and a situation that could be overcome only by a showing of plentitude and strength. So he changed his plans for early expedition to King William Land, to ones of preparation. He began by bringing the natives of Repulse Bay to a greater understanding of his mission, and to extend their efforts in helping him. Among the natives there were a young man and his wife whom Hall used as his interpreters, chief assistants, and companions. They were with him constantly and did much to make his work a success. The couple were known as Joe and Hanna. Later they figured in the stirring events of the Polarus Expedition; and their history is part of the history North. A matter that went far towards helping Hall was the fact that he early realized that the upper Hudson Bay waters were a favourite [sic] cruising ground for whales. Which fact, when pointed out to the whaling masters, brought about most friendly relations and enabled him to secure needed funds and a helping hand many times later.

Hall’s record shows that he spent the seasons of 1861 and 1862 at and about Repulse Bay; that he returned to the States in the autumn of 1863 for the purpose of securing further financial support; and that he went back to Repulse Bay in the early summer of 1865. On his trip to the States, Hall took with him Joe and Hanna, whom he used as exhibits in enabling him to secure funds. Both of these natives were far above the average Eskimo, and not only soon acquired considerable fluency in the English language, but were able to carry themselves with dignity and poise at any gathering - especially, Hanna. Hall spent six months with them in England where they were presented to Queen Victoria and many notables including Lady Franklin who became most friendly and helpful to Hall’s undertaking. Included in Hall’s supporters was Henry Grinnell, who already had contributed much to other Franklin searches. On his return to Repulse Bay, in 1865, Hall set about preparing for an expedition to King William Land the following spring. The record shows that on May 2nd, 1866, he started out with a good outfit of sleds, dogs, grub, etc, and Joe and Hanna and several other natives as companions. The route took them almost due north, across the divide forming the base of Melville Peninsula, to Committees Bay and along its west shore to and across Simpson Peninsula to Pelly Bay. As they were approaching Pelly Bay, the expedition met a native from Boothia Land who, with his wife and several companions, was on bis way to Repulse Bay, and, as is the custom, they all went into camp. During that evening Hall drew from the native that he was among the number of Boothia natives who were accustomed to go to King William Land to hunt seal; that he had been there when Franklin's ships were fast in the ice; that he had been out to the ships and camped on the ice along side of one of them; that he had seen and talked with Franklin, whom he correctly described as fat and jolly; that he also talked with Crozier, both on the ship and on the shore; that he had seen the white men come ashore to the island many times; that many white men were sometimes camped on the shore where, the first summer they shot many geese and ducks; that some of the men were sick and died; that he had not yet arrived, for his summer hunt, when the ships were abandoned, but knew that they had been crushed in the ice and one had sunk and the other drifted ashore; that he had gone to the ship that had drifted ashore and taken things from her, that he had seen the graves and dead bodies of some of the men who had started for Backs River; and that since that time, he had seen Crozier and four other white men at Pelly Bay, and he thought that Crozier was on his way to Fort Churchill. The native had a broken penknife and his wife a silver watch case and some brass buttons which undoubtedly were relics of Franklin's men. The native told Hall that the Pelly Bay natives were not friendly; that grub was scarce there, and the natives would undoubtedly take everything he had; and advised him not to go on. This scared Hall s natives, so he reluctantly turned back, on his way caching some of his supplies for future use at Cape Weynton, on Committee Bay. The Boothia native came on to Repulse Bay with Hall, where he remained during the rest of the year. Hall was disappointed but not discouraged. He figured that by taking a larger expedition, and thereby showing greater strength, he would be able to make his way among the natives without fear of molestation. With that idea in mind he continued his preparations; his chief concern at the time being sufficient dogs. During the following April, 1867, the Boothia native left Repulse Bay for his home settlement on the west shore of Pelly Bay. Hall, realizing that the native knew the whereabouts of the cache at Cape Weyton became apprehensive that the latter might go and help himself to it; so decided to follow. He set out on May Ist, taking with him three white men from the whaling ships then wintering in Repulse Bay. These men were Frank Leonard, Silas Norton, and Peter Bayne. They found the cache untouched, but for safety sake shifted it to a new location. It is at this point that the writer’s friend, Captain Peter Bayne, comes on the scene.

Hall, believing that he had matters well in hand now, decided to make another attempt to reach King William Land the following year. He had an idea that, by taking a few white men along to make a showing of strength, and thereby stiffen the courage of his own natives, he could overcome any hostile actions on the part of any other natives he might meet. He consulted with the whaling captains who agree to let him have five men. Early in September, when the fleet returned to winter quarters, he selected the men, and entered into written contracts with them employ them for one year. Bayne was one of the five selected; and the work assigned to them was to hunt and fish and gather in supplies and, in general, prepare for the expedition of the following year. Bayne was the hunter of the party. Early in March, 1868, Hall was diverted from his preparations by the arrival of a native from the northern part of Melville Peninsula who brought the news that tracks of white men had recently been seen in the vicinity of his settlement, along the south shore of Fury and Hecla Straits. This news appealed to Hall as most important. It was possible the tracks may have been made by some of the survivors of Franklin's crews. He discussed the matter with the captains of the whalers who, apparently, agreed at such a possibility. Hall therefore decided to go at once and run the story down, even if it necessitated delaying the expedition to King William Land. Leaving on March 23rd, he took with him Joe and Hanna and three other natives, and the white man Frank Lailor, one of the men from the whaling ships. His route took him eastward across Lyon Inlet and along the east coast of Melville Peninsula to Fury and Hecla Straits, thence westerly to the westernmost tip of the peninsula, and from there south along the shoreline for about 80 miles to a small bay on which a monument had been placed by an early English exploring ship. He found it true that white men had been in the country and concluded, from certain information and articles in the hands of some of the natives that the footprints might have been made by men from Franklin's ships. He retraced his steps arriving at Repulse Bay June 24th. It was during the time that Hall was away on his Fury and Hecla trip, that Bayne secured the detail information regarding Franklin’s tomb.

Shortly after Hall’s return, relations between himself and the five white employees became strained, ultimately culminating in the shooting of one of them by Hall and the departure of the others for the States. Before taking this up, or giving the incidents of Bayne’s story the writer would like to add that Hall finally did succeed in getting to King William Land. He left Repulse Bay early the following year, 1869, going the old route via Committee and Pelly Bays, across Boothia Peninsula to Shephard Bay, then on the ice to the southeast end of King William Island. Here he remained only a few days, for ice conditions for a return were fast getting unfavorable. His trip, however, was highly successful, so far as getting information goes. He was able to corroborate all of Rae's and Anderson's data, a good deal of McClintock’s, and add much himself. He came in touch with natives who had seen the two ships and been out to them and talked to Franklin and Crozier and others of the staff and crew; had seen the white men come ashore many times; had seen the camps on shore where, in one tenting place, "more than four times two hands" men were found dead; had taken many things - watches, tools, pistols, buttons. pieces of clothing, etc, etc, from the dead; one woman described how -she had chopped the ice around one of the dead bodies to secure the watch and chain she was then wearing; how they had seen the white men as they started on their march towards Backs River, and later had seen the graves of some who had died and been buried by their companions, and the bodies of others who had died as they fell; later still, they had found a boat not far from the upper landing place, with more than ten bodies in it (this boat apparently was not found by McClintock); They told of the ship that had come ashore at the head of Adelaide Peninsula, and of how they had been aboard of her a number of times and of the things they had taken off. They told Hall many things, one of the most important of which is that the boat they found with the ten or more bodies in it, also had lots of books and papers; that the papers were written on, in about letter size, and were, in tied packets; that papers were of no value to the Eskimo, so they gave them to the children to play with. They thought, however, that papers must be useful to the white man because he took so much care of them, and several times when they came ashore the white men brought some with them which were placed in a crevice in the rock and covered with something that became stone. Hall uses the expression “cemented vaults.” The natives took Hall to different places along the south shore of the island where skeletons lay still exposed. He buried all of these with one exception; this one he brought out, later sending it on to England where, by the fillings in the teeth, it was identified as one of Franklin’s Lieutenants [sic].

While Hall was unsuccessful in his quest for survivors, he accomplished many things in the way of satisfying certain points of doubt as to the attitude and acts of the natives, etc, etc. In addition, his surveys and accurate location of many prominent natural objects, did much to extent the geographical knowledge of the North. The marvel of it all is: how did this man, so unprepared, and in so short a time, acquire proficiency in so many sciences? His was a heroic undertaking heroically carried out; and the only explanation for its accomplishment is the fact that the man had the gift of an extraordinary personality.

ACCOUNT OF CAPTAIN BAYNES EXPERIENCES WHILE WITH HALL’S SECOND ARTIC EXPEDITION AND THE INFORMATION HE SECURED AS TO SIR JOHN FRANKLIN’S BURIAL PLACE – “THE CEMENTED TOMB”

The writer first met Captain Bayne - Peter Bayne – about fifteen years ago at Nome, Alaska, where the latter was holding down some gold claims he had staked during the early rush. For about 30 years prior to that time, Bayne bad been engaged in whaling and trading along the Arctic coast, and was well informed on the geography [sic] and life and conditions of the northern part of the continent, particularly as far east as the Coronation Gulf region. His record shows that he was born in the province of Nova Scotia sometime in 1843; that he enlisted in the US Navy in July, 1864; and was discharged therefrom, as landsman, in the spring of 1866. He was of Scottish parentage; at tall rather thin man, but hale and hearty, and, even at 80 years of age, as active as a boy. The writer is told that he was an excellent sailor, though not a navigator. He had had but few advantages in his youth and though he could read and write, his abilities as a schooler was limited. Like many old time Scots, he had a good running knowledge of the bible and was ready with quotations; but admitted he had been none too godly. He spoke the Eskimo dialect well, and seemed to be held in high respect by that race throughout northern Alaska. He also held the respect and good will of the white people who knew him. The first meeting with him at Nome was in relation to some mineral claims Bayne had discovered a number of years before on one of the larger Alaskan rivers emptying into the Arctic. The occasion brought about the telling of his whaling and earlierier [sic] experiences and, incidentally, an account of his connection with the search for survivors of the Franklin Expedition. The writer knowing the James Anderson, the Hudson Bay factor, who had made the trip from Great Slave Lake eastward, down Backs River to Adelaide Peninsula in I855 to confirm Rae's findings having spent most of the summer of I905 in company with him in the Mackenzie River basin, and having heard from him his own account of his experiences of that trip - very naturally became interested in Bayne's recital. This led to numerous conversations with him here at Seattle, where access was had to the libraries and various his stories of Franklin. With these in hand, the writer went over the ground many times with the old captain, it being the intention to assemble the data in such shape that Bayne could collaborate with some writer in giving a story of what he knew of Franklin's last resting place. Unfortunately, the old man died before this could be accomplished. So the writer, feeling the importance of preserving the information, has prepared the present writing.

On his discharge from the Navy in the spring of 1866, Bayne, then a young man of 23 years, went on to New York where he visited a uncle who was in the fish business. After a short stay there, he began to realize that the financial conditions of the times brought about by the war were not good; it was necessary for him to have work; but chances would be against him in the States. So his thought turned towards getting a job on some of the northern fishing boats. Fishing had been a part of the life work of the Baynes for several generations past and Peter, as a boy, had seen a good deal of it, and later, as a grown youth, had made several voyages to the Grand Banks. Like most fisher folk, he was adapt in handling small boats, and, with his experiences off the Banks, was fairly conversant with affairs of the sea. So it was that he went north to Massachusetts, to the home of the fishing craft, seeking work. He searched through the cod-fishing settlements, but without success. Finally, as hope seemed to wane, he found a berth on the whaler Ansel Gibbs out of New Bedford.

The Ansel Gibbs spent the summer cruising about the entrance to and in Hudson Bay. She had been late in getting started and unlucky in finding track of the whales; so the season was an unsuccessful one. The captain decided to winter in the bay for an early start the following year. Early in September he brought his ship into Repulse Bay, where he went into winter quarters. Since Hall’s coming, this small bay had become the winter haven of the whalers, and it was not long before the Ansel Gibbs was joined by the Concordia. Several days after arriving at Repulse Bay, and while the crew were still busy preparing the ship for the winter sojourns, Hall, accompanied by several natives, came aboard. Hall's relations with the whalers, as stated before, were very close and cordial; they brought him his mail and supplies, and acted as a clearing house in disposing of the whale-bone and things he sent out. So it was natural that this cordial relationship should extend to the crews. Soon after the ships were made snug for the winter, and the ice strong enough the men began to amuse themselves in hunting - seals could be killed on the ice and deer on the land. These trips often brought the men to Hall’s quarters on a small island a short distance up the bay from where the ships were quartered; also, to Talloon Harbor, 2 miles distant, where the native Eskimo settlement was situated; and the men of the different crews soon became well acquainted with the natives. Bayne was one of the formost [sic] in these excursions - he had youth and spirit, was a good shot, and got enjoyment out of this kind of life. Frequently he went hunting musk ox, out on the tundra west of the bay, with some of the natives. His superior marksmenship [sic] won for him their high respect and they were glad to accompany him, especially as he was generous in the division of the trophy. Out on these trips he occasionally spent a week at a time with the natives, either in the field or in their camps, and, as he was full of life and mischief, was no doubt welcome. He admits he acquired much of the Eskimo language in the usual way. So it came about that when Hall, in the spring of 1867 became fearful for the safety of his cache at Cape Weynton and had asked the whaling captains for the loan of a few men to help him, chose Bayne as one of them. Cape Weynton is 80 miles north from Repulse Bay and on the way to King William Land, and the cache here was part of Hall's plan for his projected expedition. As previously stated, the cache was found intact. On the return, Bayne shot several musk ox and deer which were cached at convenient points. The feature of this trip was the fact that Bayne established himself in Hall's estimate as a successful hunter.

As part of the program for the King William Land expedition the following year, Hall planned on taking a number of white men with him; and, as summer approached, he discussed the matter with the whaling captains who gave him permission to take 5 men out of their crews, if he could make satisfactory arrangements with the men to participate. The selection of these men was of course very important. Hall called for applications, and out of the number offering selected Peter Bayne, Frank Lailor, Antoine - - - John Spearman, and Pat Coleman. Bayne and Lailor had already been with Hall on several trips, so he had a good idea of what kind of men they were; the others were selected because of the personality they presented. Papers were formally drawn by the ship captains, releases given, and contracts made. Hall agreed to employ the men for a period or one year - Aug 1867 to Aug I868 - and to pay them a certain wage - payment to be made either on their return to the ships or by draft on New York. In turn the men agreed to serve at whatever work Hall might put them, and to be satisfied with whatever subsistence he might be able to provide - it being understood that they practically had to live off the country. The men staid with their ships, participating in the whaling operations in the northern part of Hudson Bay, until late August, when they took up their camp at Talloon Harbor, near where Hall but a short time before had moved. Quarters at Talloon camp were like most arctic camps - a framework of light wood faced on the outside by broad layers of sod, and, as winter comes on, snow-tunnels are added as a protection against the wind. There were tents there also, but these were intended mostly for summer use or for travel. The five men fixed themselves up with sizable quarters, then settled down for whatever their winter's work might be. At the time, the settlement consisted of about 60 souls.

About the middle of September, after the men had fairly well settled themselves, Hall began to outline to them their work - chiefly food getting. He directed Lailor and Antoine to go out along the north shore of Repulse Bay to hunt for seals, and Bayne and Spearman and Coleman to cross over to Lyon Inlet and catch salmon. With each party there were to be natives - men, women, and children, as is always the case. Bayne's early experience in fishing in northern Nova Scotian waters stood him in good stead; he knew how to use the net better than the natives, and the catch required more than 10 sled loads to bring home. Some of the fish were cleaned and smoked, the remainder were permitted to freeze so as to be used for dog food. The party returned to Talloon Bay about the middle of October.

Shortly after returning from the fishing trip, Hall directed Bayne and Coleman to go westward from the head of Repulse Bay and hunt deer. Two Eskimo men, with their impediments, were detailed to go with them. They were outfitted with a months supplies and told to build an igloo and work around it as a central point, caching at some convenient point, whatever meat they should kill. They found a suitable camping place about 30 miles west from the bay and, during the month they remained there, were successful in killing some thirty odd deer and three musk ox. ******

It is easy to conceive that Bayne, and the four other white men, by this time-must have had a pretty fair idea of the general ending of Franklin’s expedition. Hall unquestionably had to tell them something of it when he employed them, and no doubt told them great deal more after they came formally under his command - this latter by way of inspiring them to greater exertion and loyalty. Again, the disastrous ending of the expedition and the unseemly death of the entire membership, had made a great impression on the natives of the region; some of these latter had practically been witnesses, and the story spread from settlement to settlement, as all such stories do, until the entire native population of the American Arctic country knew about it, in fact, probably every settlement had relics of the expedition - it was the greatest thing in the lives of these native people, and they were ready at all times to talk on the subject. So it was natural, whenever an opportunity came, to discuss it with the natives; and it was natural for Bayne, who perhaps had heard more of it from Hall than the others, to ask questions of the natives. He had an advantage over the others of the aptitude of youth in picking up a language and, therefore, could talk with greater ease to the natives than the others. *****

In relating the incidents of his 30-day hunting trip, Bayne says that besides the two native men and their wives, there was a boy of about I2 years and a girl a little older, and a child going on his third winter. One man and his wife were in the forties, the others about 10 years younger. All were active and intelligent in their work and knew well the business of life in the arctic; theirs was the duty of skinning and caring for the meat after the others had killed it. All of them lived together in the same igloo. Bayne says [“said” in Appendix C of Burwash] that frequently, when they were in the igloo together, that the conversation would turn on Franklin's Expedition. Each of these natives had talked with other natives who had been on King William Land and witnessed, or in some way knew intimately, the events of the disaster; had heard of the distribution of the relics - had even seen some of these latter; they knew of Crozier's attempt to reach Fort Churchill, etc, etc. Crozier seemed to interest the natives more than any of the others. Apparently this interest was widespread among the different natives. Of those in the camp with Bayne, the older man and woman and the young girl, seemed the best informed; the latter would occasionally correct the elders as to sequence of events, etc; she could speak some english [sic] and would sometimes interpret [sic]. From Baynes discription [sic] of these conversations, several things came up that apparently are new. They mention that during the first summer (probably 1847) that many of Franklin's men came ashore; that they caught seals like the natives, and shot geese and ducks of which there was a great number; that there was one big tent and some small ones; and many men camped there. Bayne tried to draw from these natives the status of the relationship existing between the different tribes, or settlements - to what extent they were hostile towards one another, and the cause, etc. He knew of Hall's meeting with the Pelly Bay native, and of the cause of the turning back, and as he expected to make the King William trip in the following spring, he very naturally wanted to know what to expect on the way. He was assured that there was little danger of the white man being attacked, but the natives up there would certainly steal his outfit if they possibly could.

Bayne and Coleman returned from this, First [sic], hunting trip about the middle of December. Hall told Bayne that he was pleased at the latter's success, and also at Bayne's leadership. Food and dogs were the two essentials to make the King William Land expedition a surity [sic] – food, not only for the trip, but also for the entire Repulse Bay community, and that for practically for a years time. The expedition would take the best the community could offer; so it was necessary that he provide the latter with its accustomed necessities to make up for its loss during the time he was using it. He had to make a showing of ample food supplies before the natives would lend any strong hand in helping him. This apparently was being done, for Lailor and Antoine had been fairly successful in their hunt for seals. So it now only remained to continue the good work to insure success. Hall directed Bayne to continue hunting - to go to a point about 10 miles north of where he had been before, and from there to work to the northwestward in search of musk ox. This time the party was increased by several more natives, and, of course, there impedimenta, which made hunting imperative, for the outfit given them by Hall was limited. Bayne was successful, however, in the hunt. By the middle of February the party had cached over 100 deer and 40 musk ox. During the time of this, Second [sic], hunting trip, Bayne says the conversation again frequently turned to the Franklin expedition. Nothing new was brought out except conjectures as to Crozier; but all that had been told before was repeated over and over again, so he got to know it quite well.

On his return to the Talloon camp, about the first of March, Bayne found there was to be a change in the general program. A short time before the Eskimo from the northern part of Melville Peninsula had arrived with the news of the tracks of white men along the south shore of the Straits of Fury & Hecla, as previously mentioned. The information, of course, had immediately excited Hall's interest, after he had secured all the facts, concluded it was possible the tracks might have been made by a remnant of Franklin's crews - therefore, his duty to go at once and bring any survivors out. Years before, a party under Sir John Ross had left a large cache on the upper west shore of Melville Peninsula; Franklin knew of the location of this cache, and it was thought not unlikely that he had directed some of his men to it. Hall discussed the matter with the whaling captains. He had pledged himself to his financial backers, to go to King William Land. But the new situation seemed imperative. It seemed the proper thing to do to investigate the story. The captains concurred in his ideas; so he decided to go at once. He figured he could make the trip and be back in time to start for King William Land, as planned. Preparations were then rushed and, after considerable delay on account of dogs, the start was made on March 23rd. The outfit consisted of about 3 tons of supplies loaded on two sleds; and the party, of Joe and Ranna and 10 other natives, including impedimenta, etc, and Frank Lailor. As previously stated, Hall did find evidences of white men having been in the region, but several years previously; and concluded the men might have been of Franklin's crews; of this, however, there Was [sic] nothing definite. He returned to the Talloon camp June 24th, having been gone 96 days. It was of course too late to undertake the King William Land expedition.

Before leaving on the Fury & Hecla trip, Hall had laid out work for the white men to do during his absence. Spearman and Antoine were to remain at camp getting together the paraphernalia, looking after the dogs, etc, and Bayne and Coleman were to continue hunting and cacheing meat supplies along the route towards Committee Bay. Bayne started out about the last of March, making camp at the Upper Narrows Lake, about 30 miles north from Repulse Bay. With him and Coleman, this time, were three Eskimo families - the older man and wife of the previous trips, and their boy and girl; and two different younger couples who, together, had three young children. The party hunted through to early May, securing and cacheing 21 deer and 9 musk ox. The weather was bad during some of the time, so there were days on which no hunting was done. Late in April the camp was visited by a Pelly Bay native who had with him his wife and three children, the latter fairly well grown. A few days later, two men and a woman from Boothia Peninsula came in. The Pelly Bay natives were on their way to Wagner Inlet; those from Boothia were going to Repulse Bay where, among other things, they wanted to try and get powder and shot from the whalers. They had with them a single-barrel muzzle-loading, small-bore gun which they said they had secured in trade from another native who had picked it up on King William Land. This brought about conversation regarding Franklin's ships, etc. Both the Pelly Bay natives and the Boothia natives had been to King. William Island. The former declared he had seen Crozier at Pelly Bay, but was not sure of the date. The Boothia natives said that their people frequently went to King William Island to hunt seal, they considered it their own particular hunting ground, and that they always went there in the springs after the wind had been blowing for a long time from a certain direction. The older man did most of the talking and related that he and his wife were at the north end of the island during the spring and summer of the first year, and the summer of the second year, the two ships were fast in the ice. The couple had a baby boy then that was 'ťwo winters old"; the boy was now married and had a child “one winter old”. The couple would, therefore, probably be in the twenties at the time they described and capable of making correct observations. In relating the events that took place, he said he had not gone out to the ships, but other natives had, and had camped along side for several days, and had seen and talked with Franklin; that many of the white men came ashore and camped there during the summer; that the camp had one big tent and several smaller ones; that Crozier (Aglookna) came there some times, and he had seen and talked with him; that seal were plentiful the first year, and sometimes the white men went with the natives and shot seal with their guns; that ducks and geese were also plentiful, and the white men shot many; that some of the white men were sick in the big tent, and died there, and were buried on the hill back of the camp; that one man died on the ships and was brought ashore and buried on the hill near where the others were buried; that this man was not buried in the ground like the others, but in an opening in the rock, and his body covered over with something that, “after a while was all same stone”; that he was out hunting seal when this man was buried, but other natives were there, and saw, and told him about it, and the other natives said that "many guns ere fired". Bayne realized then the statements given by the Boothia native as to the white men coming ashore, and of their hunting with the natives, and their camping there and the discription [sic] of the camp, and some of the men being sick and dying and being buried ashore, and of the funeral from the ships and the guns being fired, were all new and important. Bayne says that Coleman was even more strongly of the opinion than himself, and that the latter became quite excited over the matter. The next day the Boothia native asked Bayne to show him how to use the gun he had got in trade. Bayne and Coleman discussed the advisability of doing so for they would be showing the man something that might be used against themselves on the projected trip to King William Land. Coleman suggested making the gun kick; so, in loading it, Bayne put in a double charge which resulted in the native being knocked down. When he fired and thereafter not so keen about shooting. The native wondered why it was that Franklin's men were not knocked down, too, when they fired their guns. This incident brought about more conversations about Franklin's ships and men, and Bayne got the native to repeat his previous stories over again several times. Finally, with the assistance of the young girl, who had been with him on the several hunting trips, he got the Boothia native to give a description of the tenting ground and of the place where the men who died were buried. From the description given, Bayne figured the camp to have been about a fourth of a mile back from the beach, and about the same distance south of where the ships boats usually landed; that it was situated on a flat-topped mound near the base of a low ridge; that the crest of the ridge was not very wide and was formed of projecting rooks; and that the slope on the other side faced the southeast.

When Bayne returned to the Talloon camp about the middle of May, he immediately told Spearman about the information the Boothia native had given him; and Spearman, like the others, saw the importance of what was said. So they consulted together as to how they should hold the native in camp until Hall's return. The native had arrived a few days before Bayne, had been out to the ships where the whalers had given him a small amount of powder and shot, and some other things he thought he needed, and was now about ready to return to his home settlement. It was decided to get the native to repeat the story over again in the presence of some of the Talloon natives, so as to get all the facts possible, and as correctly as possible, through the local natives as interpreters. It was found that the Boothia native had already been going over the story with the local natives; that his wife had been telling the native women here what she herself had seen and knew; and the local natives were by this time well informed. As has already been stated the Franklin disaster was the greatest thing in the lives of the entire native population of this part of the continent, and everyone was keen to get first-hand information. It was arranged that there should be "plenty tea” at the white man's camp, and the native population soon flocked there to have Bayne, tell them of his hunt, and this was used as the occasion to get the Boothia natives to tell about Franklin. So it came about that both the man and the woman repeated the account of their experiences before Spearman and Antoine, and many of the local natives. It developed that the woman's story was just as interesting as the man’s, and it particularly interested the young girl who had been with Bayne on his two recent hunting trips. What was desired was that the local natives should get a full understanding, in their own language, of the new features of Franklin’s Expedition which these Boothia natives had to tell. Bayne could understand most of the things that were said. But there were occasional expressions he had never heard before; and, when he got stuck the young girl would generally be able to tell him what was meant. The only thing new that developed out of these recitals, other than what Bayne had already learned, was that there were several cemented vaults – one large one, and a number of small ones: that the natives though that these latter contained only papers, for many papers were brought ashore – some blew away in the wind, but others were buried. These natives had seen a number of dead white men since that time, whose bodies lay as they had died, now frozen in the snow. Bayne and Spearman drew maps and got the natives to try and locate the camp and the graves and the ridge with respect to the beach. The sketch attached is made by the writer from memory from a map Captain Bayne had among his papers, but which cannot be located now.

The idea in the minds of Bayne and Spearman, in getting the Boothia natives to recount their story to the local natives, was to have the information for Hall on his return from Fury & Hecla, and in such a that it would be useful to him - the Boothia natives had to return to their home region before the snow left the ground, and it was not known how much longer Hall would be gone. The motive in doing it was only loyalty on the part of the men. But, to their astonishment, when Hall returned late in June, he rather resented their acts, upbraiding them for their presumption. This is where Hall made a grievous mistake. His attitude was offensive to the men and they began to lose interest; which later, in turn, brought about friction. The whole combination in the shooting of Coleman by Hall, July 31st, and Coleman's death on August 14th. [Included at this point in Appendix C is the following sentence: Hall gives this occurrence in detail in his published works. He states that the shooting was done to quell the mutiny lead by Coleman, who opposed him with physical violence.] Hall was heartbroken at the happening and tended Coleman as only one such would. Bayne says that Coleman was wrong in his attitude and actions, but that the situation had not yet reached the point where it became necessary for Hall to resort to firearms. Hall, however, had to maintain his own standing of respect with the natives. The happening brought about the departure of the four other white men who, a few days after Coleman's death boarded the first whaler that came in, the Ansel Gibbs, and returned on her to the states. They received their full pay from Henry Grinnell when they arrived at New York.

It is not known whether Hall queried the local natives as to the recitals of the Boothia natives; presumably he did. In his records he mentioned cemented vault in which papers have been placed but in no way mentions the burial of Franklin - either in the deep or on the land. Bayne, speaking of Hall, always referred to him with the greatest respect and regard. He gave him full credit for being a high type of man and wonderful in his ability to accomplish so much in a scientific way. But, said Hall was wrong and not giving to the world this information as to Franklin's burial place. He accounts for Hall's attitude as one of pique; and his action in withholding the information from his records, as the stand of a strongwilled man. The old Captain's great ambition was that he might be able to go, himself, and proved to the world the existence of the Cemented Vaults. [In the Burwash report of Appendix the preceding sentence reads: The great ambition of the old Captain [Bayne] was that he might be able to go, himself, and prove to the world the existence of the Cemented Vaults.

[Jamme’s] DISCUSSION

So far as the principal events of the Franklin Expedition are concerned, there is no doubt; neither is there is no doubt as to those of Hall's - they can all be found in publications on the subject in most public libraries, or in government documents. The real question at issue is as to Bayne’s story of Franklin’s emented Tomb. The evidence of this latter is not great in volume; neither is it in tangible form; but such as it is, it is of the same source as most of the other evidence in the matter, and should, therefore, be considered equally as good.

The writer has gone over this particular question many times with Captain Bayne; has read all the books available on the subject in the Seattle Public Library; used maps and charts, etc, to better bring out ideas; quizzed the old captain hard as to the incidents of his activities during the time he was employed by Hall; and discussed Hall's traits and personality so as to make clear his actions and attitude. Bayne, of course, had many things to relate of his adventures in connection with this employment, some of which were relevant, others not; many of them, however, were useful in leading up to the subject of the cemented tomb. What was sought were the bare facts and how he came by them. The labor in the matter was to substantiate these bare facts by historical data. This latter the writer has done as far as it seems possible to go. The evidence is not conclusive, but it is sufficient to be considered as reasonable. In the light of it all, the following is the way the question appears:

1. If the three members of the crew who died during the first winter at the Beechey Island camp were buried on land, and if the other members of the crew who died while the ships were fast in the ice off King William Land were buried on the land, it is more than likely, then, that their leader would also be buried on the land - especially when his companions were in a state of good health, as is shown in the first part of the record where, I3 days before Franklin's death, Lieutenant Gore wrote "Sir John Franklin commanding the expedition. All well”.

2. Sir John died June 11th. The weather at the time was probably fine and warm, for that latitude, so it was possible to get ashore without much difficulty. There would, of course, still be much snow on the ground, but doubtless bare patches on the sun-exposed elevations.

3. A cleft in the rock is given as the burial place, and cement the covering. In looking up the geology of the region, it is found that the entire island is referred to as of Silurian age, which suggests calcareous rocks with, possibly jagged protruding beds, which latter, with little difficulty, could be formed into a suitable repository. The covering medium was probably not Portland cement, as "cemented tomb” would suggest, but a mixture of tar and sand. All ships carry tar for calking purposes which, when mixed with sand and cooled, would become hard as described. There would be no physical difficulties to provide the tomb.

4. In the second part of the record, under date of April 25th, 1848, James Fitzjames, captain of the Erebus, wrote "and the total losses by deaths in the Expedition had been to this date nine officers and fifteen men." It is therefore logical to believe that these officers and men were among those who occupied the tents mentioned by the Boothia natives and who were buried on the other side, the south facing slope, of the ridge. If the men were buried there, then why not Sir John Franklin?

5. There is no evidence to the contrary. One of the historians a preacher, mentions a burial at sea; but does not give the basis for his statements.

6. As far as the writer is able to learn, the only white persons who have been in the vicinity since the time of the Expedition, are McClintock and Hobson, who remained there but a few hours, and Lieutenant Swatka [sic], of the US Army, who some forty years later made an exploration trip to that part of the account of McClintock and Hobson did look for graves, also for logs and records - that is how they came to find the cairns. It was late in May; there was still much snow on the ground; so it is quite conceivable that they should fail to see the graves on the far side of the ridge, a quarter mile away. The camping place was near No 1 cairn. There may be doubt to whether McClintock went to it, for ice conditions were becoming such that he had to hasten back to his ship. The finding of any cemented vaults under these circ*mstances, unless they first knew of the existence of the vaults, would indeed be difficult. Lieutenant Swatka [sic] makes no mention whatever of cemented vaults, in the journal of his exploration trip. The only disturbing factor in the writer's mind, so far as explorers are concerned, is the fact that the Geological survey shows the island to be of Silurian age. Some one must have been on the island to have made that determination; and a geologist is quite capable of finding the tomb - if he had any previous knowl-edge of its existence.

7. The idea that Franklin was buried in a cemented tomb does not seem to be unique with Bayne. On inquiry of the Hudson Bay officials at Victoria and Vancouver, the writer was told that they, too, had heard of it before. Whatever the source of the rumor, is not known; but there is no question of it. Recently the writer found in a US Government document, a record to the effect that, "in the eighties a bill was before Congress asking that an army officer be appointed to become a member of a private Hew York expedition for the purpose of RECOVERING THE PAPERS AND DOCUMENTS OF FRANKLIN’S EXPEDITION. The bill was tabled; but there must have been something on which the idea of the expedition would have been based.

A phase of the matter the writer has not seen in all of the histories on the subject, but which has appealed strongly to him, is this: It is quite conceivable that Franklin, when he found he was beset in the ice, sent out exploration parties. In a general way, he knew where he was, but did not know exactly what was ahead of him. He knew he was abreast of Sir John Ross’ King William Land; and that the mountains on the western horizon were those that lay north of Coronation Gulf, which latter he had participated in mapping; and he knew the position of Backs River and Adelaide Peninsula; and that an open channel extended westward, for the set of the current was in that direction. He knew in a general way, that if he could get clear of the ice and into Maud Sea, he would be able to accomplish the object of the expedition. It would be natural, therefore, that he make an effort to ascertain the configuration of the west coast of King William Land, and whether there were other islands between his position and the mainland. It is conceivable that a base camp would be established for these parties, and that this camp would be used for age recuperation of members of the Expedition who might be sick and in need of the change of food which the wild-fowl life, abundant there at seasons, would give. It would therefore be logical to believe that any members of this camp who died would be buried nearby- Fitzjames stated that 2I had died since leaving Beechy Island; probably all of them were buried here. And it would be logical, also that they should safely encase records of themselves and of the work of the Expedition where neither the elements or the natives would disturb them; this latter, especially when they found their ships breaking up. Hence the cemented vaults mentioned by the natives. And, if papers were cared for this way, then why not FRANKLIN’s CEMENTED TOMB?

With all of the above in mind, it would seem proper to believe that Franklin was buried on King William Land; and the only logical place of burial, where Captain Bayne has described it to be. ************

Seattle Washington

Dec. 17^th 1928